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The World Bank produced its first global poverty
estimates for World Development Report 1990 for developing countries
using household survey data for 22 countries (Ravallion, Datt and van de
Walle 1991). Incorporating survey data collected during the last 15 years,
the database has expanded considerably and now includes 440 surveys
representing almost 100 developing countries. Some 1.1 million randomly
sampled households were interviewed in these surveys, representing 93
percent of the population of developing countries. The surveys asked
detailed questions on sources of income and how it was spent, and on other
household characteristics such as the number of people sharing that income.
Most interviews were conducted by staff of government statistics offices.
Along with improvements in data coverage and quality, the underlying
methodology has also improved, resulting in better and more comprehensive
estimates.
Data availability. Since 1979 there has been considerable expansion
in the number of countries that field such surveys, the frequency of the
surveys, and the quality of their data (table 6.5a). The number of data sets
rose dramatically from a mere 13 between 1979 and 1981 to 100 between 1997
and 1999. The drop to 41 available surveys after 1999 reflects the lag
between the time data are collected and the time they become available for
analysis, not a reduction in data collection. Data coverage is improving in
all regions, but Sub-Saharan Africa continues to lag, with only 28 countries
out of 48 having at least one data set available.
Data quality. The problems of estimating poverty and comparing
poverty rates do not end with data availability. Several other issues, some
related to data quality, also arise in measuring household living standards
from survey data. One relates to the choice of income or consumption as a
welfare indicator. Income is generally more difficult to measure accurately,
and consumption comes closer to the notion of standard of living. And income
can vary over time even if the standard of living does not. But consumption
data are not always available. Another issue is that household surveys can
differ widely, for example, in the number of consumer goods they identify.
And even similar surveys may not be strictly comparable because of
differences in timing or the quality and training of survey enumerators.
Comparisons of countries at different levels of development
also pose a potential problem because of differences in the relative
importance of consumption of nonmarket goods. The local market value of all
consumption in kind (including own production, particularly important in
underdeveloped rural economies) should be included in total consumption
expenditure. Similarly, imputed profit from the production of nonmarket
goods should be included in income. This is not always done, though such
omissions were a far bigger problem in surveys before the 1980s. Most survey
data now include valuations for consumption or income from own production.
Nonetheless, valuation methods vary. For example, some surveys use the price
in the nearest market, while others use the average farmgate selling price.
Whenever possible, the table uses consumption data for
deciding who is poor and income surveys only when consumption data are
unavailable. In recent editions there has been a change in how income
surveys are used. In the past, average household income was adjusted to
accord with consumption and income data from national accounts. But in
testing this approach using data for some 20 countries for which income and
consumption expenditure data were both available from the same surveys,
income was found to yield a higher mean than consumption but also higher
inequality. When poverty measures based on consumption and income were
compared, these two effects roughly cancelled each other out: statistically,
there was no significant difference. So recent editions use income data to
estimate poverty directly, without adjusting average income measures.
International poverty lines. International comparisons of
poverty estimates entail both conceptual and practical problems. Countries
have different definitions of poverty, and consistent comparisons between
countries can be difficult. Local poverty lines tend to have higher
purchasing power in rich countries, where more generous standards are used,
than in poor countries. Is it reasonable to treat two people with the same
standard of living—in terms of their command over commodities—differently
because one happens to live in a better-off country?
Poverty measures based on an international poverty line
attempt to hold the real value of the poverty line constant across
countries, as is done when making comparisons over time. The commonly used
$1 a day standard, measured in 1985 international prices and adjusted to
local currency using purchasing power parities (PPPs), was chosen for the
World Bank’s World Development Report 1990: Poverty because it is typical of
the poverty lines in low-income countries. PPP exchange rates, such as those
from the Penn World Tables or the World Bank, are used because they take
into account the local prices of goods and services not traded
internationally. But PPP rates were designed for comparing aggregates from
national accounts, not for making international poverty comparisons. As a
result, there is no certainty that an international poverty line measures
the same degree of need or deprivation across countries.
Early editions of World Development Indicators used PPPs from
the Penn World Tables. Recent editions use 1993 consumption PPP estimates
produced by the World Bank. Recalculated in 1993 PPP terms, the original
international poverty line of $1 a day in 1985 PPP terms is now about $1.08
a day. Any revisions in the PPP of a country to incorporate better price
indexes can produce dramatically different poverty lines in local currency.
Issues also arise when comparing poverty measures within
countries. For example, the cost of living is typically higher in urban than
in rural areas. One reason is that food staples tend to be more expensive in
urban areas. So the urban monetary poverty line should be higher than the
rural poverty line. But it is not always clear that the difference between
urban and rural poverty lines found in practice reflects only differences in
the cost of living. In some countries the urban poverty line in common use
has a higher real value—meaning that it allows the purchase of more
commodities for consumption—than does the rural poverty line. Sometimes the
difference has been so large as to imply that the incidence of poverty is
greater in urban than in rural areas, even though the reverse is found when
adjustments are made only for differences in the cost of living. As with
international comparisons, when the real value of the poverty line varies it
is not clear how meaningful such urban-rural comparisons are.
By combining all this information, a team in the World Bank’s
Development Research Group calculates the number of people living below
various international poverty lines, as well as other poverty and inequality
measures that are published in World Development Indicators. The database is
updated annually as new survey data become available, and a major
reassessment of progress against poverty is made about every three years.
Do it yourself: PovcalNet. Recently this research team
developed PovcalNet, an interactive web-based computational tool that allows
users to replicate the calculations by the World Bank’s researchers in
estimating the extent of absolute poverty in the world. PovcalNet is
self-contained and powered by reliable built-in software that performs the
relevant calculations from a primary database. The underlying software can
also be downloaded from the site and used with distributional data of
various formats. The PovcalNet primary database consists of distributional
data calculated directly from household survey data. Detailed information
for each of these is also available from the site.
Estimation from distributional data requires an interpolation
method. The method chosen was Lorenz curves with flexible functional forms,
which have proved reliable in past work. The Lorenz curve can be graphed as
the cumulative percentages of total consumption or income against the
cumulative number of people, starting with the poorest individual. The
empirical Lorenz curves estimated by PovcalNet are weighted by household
size, so they are based on percentiles of population, not households.
PovcalNet also allows users to calculate poverty measures
under different assumptions. For example, instead of $1 a day, users can
specify a different poverty line, say $1.50 or $3. Users can also specify
different PPP rates and aggregate the estimates using alternative country
groupings (for example, UN country groupings or groupings based on average
incomes) or a selected set of individual countries. PovcalNet is available
online at http://iresearch.worldbank.org/povcalnet/.
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